Cartography of Hospitality

The Cartography of Hospitality research project started in 2017, and its focus is the architecture of the city and how people relate to it. Studying the uses of public space, its methodology aims to perceive, recognize, and represent the everyday expression of humanity. By walking around a given public space, observing and recording different views of its psychosocial landscape, the project proposes a different method of welcoming the complexity of urban coexistence. The professional who uses this methodology wants to review preconceptions and break the paradigms of the perception of the spaces of the city. The methodology serves as qualitative support to the processes of configuration and reconfiguration of projects in architecture and urban design, at an academic and professional level. The cartographies are spatial reading tools of an inclusive political nature: the perception, recognition, and representation of various social and cultural dimensions of a specific city space, creating possibilities for crossing policies of possibilities of recognition, manifestation, and representation of persons, subjects and events not perceived by the eyes of those who do not want to see beyond the spectacular. During the cartographic action, the architect-planner-cartographer asks: ‘Who are those people and/or groups? How do they appropriate the space? What do they do for that? How do these people coexist?’; ‘How many are those people?’; ‘What overlapping events occur on different days of the week that qualitatively reconfigure the space under study?’ These questions add knowledge to the conventional data of the possible design practices of spatial analysis and qualification, thus proposing qualitative-subjective elements that revise their criteria, by the recognition and representation of multiple perceptions of the hosting experiences in a specific space by the different groups that coexist in the same space. This article begins by briefly commenting on the thought of the main theoretical framework in relation to the city and its architecture, the relations it establishes with its users and the importance of the representation of hospitality in a language that accepts the image as an expression. Next, the proposed mapping methodology is presented and supported by a case study: the cartographic action in Campo Grande square, located in the city of Salvador, Bahia State, Brazil, carried out by the research group.


Introduction
The 1 research project aims to study the use of the architecture of city's public open spaces. The research creates and experiences actions of subjective-affective cartographies that act as a mechanism of recognition, manifestation and representation of subjects and events not perceived and not accepted by conventional spatial representations.
Assuming the contamination of contemporary architectural and urban design studies by sociology, philosophy and the arts, cartographic actions have an inclusive political nature, bringing the social criticism to the field of representation. The records aim to recognize and represent the different social, artistic and cultural manifestations inserted in the same spatiality of the studied space and the ways that these permeate and relate to its architecture. For this, the cartographer can use different media to represent the various spatialities created by different psychosocial landscapes.
Its findings seek to add to the studies of architectural and urban design -in the disciplines at undergraduate level and postgraduate research -the recognition of the real dimension of human complexity and the urgency of rediscovering the sense of coexistence between the different ways of experiencing public spaces.
The main theoretical frameworks adopted are Jacques Derrida´s philosophical thinking on hospitality [1] and Paese´s thesis Contramapas do Acolhimento (Hospitality Counter-Maps) [4] about subjective cartographic studies from the perspective of deconstruction.
For Derrida, the word hospitality is synonymous with welcoming, which in his work is understood as the first ethic. The act of welcoming is to recognize the face of the one who arrives in surprise (bearing) the difference (différance): For Derrida, différance is neither a word nor a concept. It may have, among other meanings, that of not being identical, distinct, being other, discernible. This difference, in the sense of differing, is treated as a matter of otherness, dissimilarity, antipathy and controversy.
The différance is produced between the elements actively, dynamically, as a game of meanings that only exists in a network of traces. The incoming (à venir) is always astonishing: it inhabits the complexity of the psychosocial landscapes of the ignored city, where the hidden powers cry out for the urgent need to develop inclusive policies, inviting the practice of otherness.
Paese's thesis invites the revision of the conventional criteria of analyzing city spaces, the recognition and representation of the multiple senses of experiences of welcoming these spaces by different groups that coexist in their spatiality from the perspective of deconstruction. The study assumes that the city architecture is the place chosen by its inhabitants to live the welcoming experiences fostered by the meetings and events that follow. To welcome a city is to recognize -in spirit, truth, and representation -that reality and the powers contained in it.
For Paese, the city goes far beyond the representations contained in official maps. The cartographies agreed for the purposes to determine, communicate, and limit the development of hospitality found in public spaces, lacking the representation of the subjective dimension of those places. From the perspective of deconstruction, welcoming is synonymous with recognizing, which opens possibilities for the development of human and social relations at different levels and senses.

Deconstruction and the City
Just as the subject identifies himself from within the world around him, the space of the city expresses in its form and use the society that inhabits it. In the present times, multidimensionality has increased the speed of social events, where behaviors create situations that lead to the frequent deconstruction of concepts, dogmas and axioms, which in the very recent past were untouchable. Consequently, urban spaces find in their psychosocial landscapes a continuous state of deconstruction of meanings.
In urban terms, thinking about deconstruction makes it possible to review the city's way of living in its use, form, and meaning, mainly by questioning what is public and what is for certain audiences. For IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 503 (2020) 012086 IOP Publishing doi:10.1088/1755-1315/503/1/012086 3 Solis, spaces of public use are spaces with a welcoming power in their design and function, and therefore are "de-constructible" spaces in terms of spatial meanings [7]. Because of such power, they are spaces that demonstrate possibilities of the dedomestication of the architects' thinking. This process leads to what Solis called a contained "undecidability", which manifests itself in the spaces between the inside and the outside. The idea of spatial undecidability in deconstruction can be compared to Derrida's reading of the Freudian unheimlich. The ambivalence of undecidability accompanied by "disturbing strangeness" (unheimlich) in the architecture of deconstruction makes the architectural object a "familiar stranger" or a "foreign relative" [7]. It must be remembered that in writing about architecture, the reference is always about the idea of 'dwelling' in its various scales and purposes. In terms of the city, what is unfamiliar in image or form contains what is familiar in idea and truth.

Representing Hospitality
In architecture, cartography, and in the other languages that use the image as expression, the representation of the welcoming potentiates in strength and truth its call to otherness. The practice of this kind of representation policy can open other possibilities to structure bridges to fill the gap between included and excluded.
On this path in search of coexistence, openness to come and dialogue between different cultures, are necessary actions. The true policy of inclusion transposes limits breaking paradigms denying axioms. This approach can space for passage between socio-cultural boundaries, which have often become barriers in the past. Solis draws attention to this question, when she makes comfort a measure of hospitality: for the philosopher, comfort is not directly related to any architectural typology or urban space, but to the host's 'house rules': of hospitality. "All spaces have the potential for hospitality, including the identity-deprived environments, those places that seem to be 'between spaces'" [7].
Regardless of the function, form or state of conservation of the architectural object, the architecture of the city or urban space, what gives meaning to its existence is the group that welcomes it and names it as its 'house of affection'. In this way, space is re-signified when it becomes a place of welcome and receptacle of life, even for a moment, a few hours or some days. Welcoming presupposes tolerance between different ones, is not determined by the architectural forms involved, not even by the existence of a specific architecture.
Therefore, the hospitality relationships between persons in a city happen by a succession of encounters, having the urban mesh as a scenario. What determines the conditions of habitability is the way in which the different architectural forms coexist with the hospitality experiences that take place in them: according to the language used in its conception and use, these conditions become clear. Unfortunately, it is still common today to see urban planners practice a design logic that divides the urban fabric into archipelagos of specific use, separated by avenues of rapid traffic, that end up functioning as barriers of exclusion, stratifying the space and instilling the fear of the different. City models where vehicles replace pedestrians make streets increasingly inhospitable and dangerous. To change this condition, it is necessary to open possibilities of reversion of the current exclusive reality. This fact is possible when there is a real concern with the resignification of the sense of openness and inclusion in the city. Jane Jacobs, in her classic book 'The Death and Life of Great American Cities', expressed in the first chapter the importance of the human scale in architecture and the action of doors and windows acting as 'eyes of the city' and streets. Different uses bring movement to the sidewalks at different times; the flow of pedestrians becomes continuous. This fact improves the quality of the reception between different people, to the point that people feel safe between strangers, not fearing what is to come [2].
Different urban individuals and cultures have specific forms of expression reading and writing the city. Being a hybrid cultural complex, where exchanges between cultures are part of the daily dimension, the different readings of such practices proliferate and diversify. The architect and urban planner approach subjective mapping to review preconceptions and to break paradigms of representation of the city: architects are creative and active by nature. Cartography of Hospitality seeks the expression of everyday life not yet pasteurized by the spectacular spaces that promise immediate happiness. All entries are valid if the outputs are multiple. Therefore, the cartographer uses varied sources, going beyond the theoretical writings. Its conceptual operators can come either from a film, from a conversation, from a walk in the park, or from reading a treatise on philosophy. The emergence, identification and adoption of conceptual operators for these cartographies goes beyond the false-or-true and theorical-or-empirical.

Methodology
We invite the architect to question the design practice of public spaces, by reflecting on the perception of the current modes of experiencing these spaces, where daily, the powers of everyday life transgress and re-signify the proposed spatial uses in a project: in order to add knowledge to the conventional data of possible design practices, the objective of cartographies is to recognize and register the social and cultural diversity that coexists in public spaces of the city, with their respective connections and permeabilities, thus proposing the revision of the analysis criteria and their spatial qualification.
There are a few steps necessary steps that allow the cartographies. At first, the cartographerarchitect determines the instruments that will meet the needs of the chosen cartographic methodology: a standard map printed from the chosen space; a drawing block and pencil; a cell phone for photos and videos. When the cartographic action begins, attention must be paid to the awareness of the urban environment where it is interacting. This is achieved while walking open to the perception beyond the space represented in the official map, seeking what is beyond sight.
As the edges of conventional maps start to change, people are invited to recognize the multiple senses and experiences of spaces and translate them into representation. The contemporary city is perceived by the experience of 'letting it exist': As the boundaries of the maps are permeated, they lose the importance. By this motion, beings and powers hitherto ignored and their emotions are illuminated and welcomed, in a movement of reassembling.
The different perceptions and feelings that flow along the way change culturally the meaning of the space traveled and, consequently, the space itself: walking embraces the movement of the body, in spirit and idea [4]. When the process of surrendering to the movement goes so far as to induce the subject to confuse itself with spatiality, the movement of space-time perception changes, as if new physical-spatial references are created by the encounters and contingency of the paths, which causes the cartographer-architect to slow down and stop the pace. These events make the rigid hierarchies of boundaries perceived as easy transitions, transcending the space-time experience to a condition where the subject slows down the pace to the point of taking a step back into the speed of life as it opens to the incoming. Kastrup [3] described this kind of attention as a concentrated and open float, as if the cartographer were noticing the space lurking. Thus, two extremes are avoided: passive relaxation and controlled stiffness. Its function is to detect circulating forms and forces, as if identifying the current situations in the psychosocial landscapes of the spatiality in question. Thus, cartography changes from a competence to a performance developing as a cognitive policy of the subject's involvement in the process. The latter, while complex and individual, makes the subject's attention assume different functions: selective or floating, focused or unfocused, concentrated or dispersed, voluntary or involuntary, and various combinations, such as voluntary selection, involuntary fluctuation, blurred concentration, several others that may arise. Although coexisting, different organizations and distinct proportions of attentional varieties reflect their cognitive policies.
During the cartographic action in the space under study, the cartographer asks questions that adds subjective and emotional perceptual elements to the conventional data and spatial analysis: Who are the people and/or groups that coexist there? How do they appropriate the spaces? What do they do for that? How do these people relate? How many are these people? What events on different days and/or times of the week that qualitatively reconfigure and reconfigure the space understudy? What are the psychosocial landscapes created by their actions and how they permeate each other?

The Campo Grande Square
In order to illustrate the Cartography of Hospitality method, we present the case study of Campo Grande Square (Figure 1). Located in Largo do Campo Grande, in Salvador, capital of the state of Bahia, Brazil, it has the official name of Praça 2 de Julho. The square emerged in the early XIX Century, and suffered a series of urban transformations throughout its history.
At the beginning of the XIX Century, the Campo Grande used to be called Campo Grande de São Pedro. It was a large marshy and rugged terrain, near the Fort of St. Peter. The land that stretched all along Forte de São Pedro Street -called nowadays Reitor Miguel Calmon Avenue-used to be a military maneuvering area.
In the contemporary times, the Campo Grande Square is a dynamic public space with centenary trees, welcomes a rich human diversity. Located in the middle of some of the most exclusive areas of the city, as the "Corridor da Vitória" and Vale do Canela quarter, the area also centralizes most of the accesses to the "Old City" historic center. It also counts on the presence in its surroundings of important cultural institutions, such as: Castro Alves Theater, Vila Velha Theater, the "Casa d'Italia" cultural center, traditional schools and luxury hotels.

The Experience
The aim of Campo Grande's Hospitality Cartography is to generate a final product that can be an object of analysis and the launching of proposals for future improvements in the level of reception of the public that attends it. The workshop was proposed to take place in 3 actions distributed in 2 days, one shift for the first and third and two shifts for the second.
On Saturday morning, before the fieldwork, the participants were invited to do the first of the 3 proposed activities: a personal cartography action based on the Brazilian artist Lygia Clark's  proposition called "Walking". The action lasts from 3 to 4 hours and it's a personal cartography SBE: urban planning, global problems, local policies IOP Conf. Series: Earth and Environmental Science 503 (2020) 012086 IOP Publishing doi:10.1088/1755-1315/503/1/012086 6 that acts as a sensitization and facilitation device for the appropriation of the space to be mapped (Figures 2 and 3). The cartographic action in Campo Grande began after lunch. The participants went together to the square, where a collective walk took place. In order to collect the records, the group used individuals' printed Google maps of the venue, cameras, cell phones, sketchbook, bag for collecting objects and waste. Each participant made their recognition, translating it into registers and cartographic representation. This activity lasted about 3 to 4 hours and was repeated on Sunday morning. Thus, it was possible to identify a greater diversity of situations and spatialities caused by the people who frequent the square in the different days and times.
During the walk, the participants sought to cultivate virtualities that were already inside them, and that were awakened by the first activity, identifying them in space. The use of lurking attention, already mentioned in this text, seeks to avoid two extremes: passive relaxation and controlled rigidity transforming the cartographic act from competence to performance. Therefore, a subjective cartography as proposed has no possibility of producing equal individual cartography at any level.
The finalization of the Campo Grande's Cartography of Hospitality -was generated from the set made by the first activity, the collected cartographic material, the individual mapping of each fieldwork days. The set of records and annotations in the Cartesian map are the matrix of a second individual mapping: the cartography of the influences of the explored space. At the end, the group creates a collective cartography for each day. Once finalized, the cartographical set was presented. At first, each participant presented their own cartographical set and linked with the collective maps. At the end, the group discussed the results together and with the public who attended the final of the workshop (Figure 4). Below, we will present the collective Cartographies of Hospitality of Saturday and Sunday, with a summary of their comments and some pictures for reference:

Saturday (sábado) afternoon (Figure 5):
The sunlight was intense and invited for a stroll in the shade. Upon reaching the square, one is immediately invited to cross the main path toward the central Atrium, where most of the regulars who do not seek specific equipment meet to observe people, exchange glances and talk. Despite being Saturday afternoon, the noise of the city overlapped with the local nature. The sunlight was intense and the heat invited to stroll for shade. Upon reaching the square, one is immediately drawn to its central square where most of the regulars who do not seek specific equipment meet to observe events and talk. Despite being Saturday afternoon, the noise of the city overlapped with the local nature sounds.
The presence of children accompanied by their parents, transgender and youth groups was observed in different peripheral spaces to the central path and the great Atrium. These different spatial appropriations created a sense of security in the great spatiality of the square.

Sunday (domingo) morning (Figure 6):
The perception on Sunday mornings is softer: the atmosphere is more pleasant, the sounds and aromas of the city blend softly with those of the local nature, inviting a more serene and contemplative stay, or maybe for a quiet stroll. Walking around the place, we noticed the diversity of the presences: local children mixed with those brought by their parents from peripheral neighborhoods playing in the playground; the commercialization of snacks in carts, a protest against the commercialization of animal meat. We still observe the citizens of the privileged class neighborhoods performing their daily physical activity or walking with their animals. Meetings and glances in the democratic space of the central square continued to happen. The observed context affirms the square as an important space for the sociability of the city.

Conclusions
Campo Grande Square imposes itself as the public place of historical, cultural, recreational and sociable importance. The square is used by citizens of different social classes, who go there to perform different activities. The spaces invite to diverse functions, which allows the attraction of different users, who use it intensely and pleasantly. This is due to the installation of equipment such as the open-air gym, the children's playground, the living space for dogs and the different living and contemplating spaces, such as the space around the water fountain. The main path, which leads to the large central square of the square, has benches at its edge, which invite visitors to observe bystanders. However, it is in the great central Atrium -dominated by the spectacular neoclassical monument in honor of the indigenous leader Caramurú -the main setting of the meetings: there people can sit on benches in the shade of shady trees that mark its edge, to glance, to be glanced, to meet, to date and to talk.